May1.info
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About May1.info
May 1 is the former domain of a New York-based Coalition that raised their voices on issues related to worker and immigrant rights.
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$1,760
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Domain name May1.info
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9 Critical Points on Anti-Blackness, Immigration and Why Latinxs Must Shut It Down Too
By: Raul Alcaraz-Ochoa, Jorge Gutierrez, Alan Pelaez, Deborah Alemu
Published 7 August 2016
URL: http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/9-Points-on-Anti-Blackness-and-Why-Latinxs-Must-Shut-It-Down-20160806-0019.html
Immigrant rights leaders in the U.S. show how to concretely build solidarity between the immigrant rights and Black Lives Matter movements.
An Open Letter to the Immigrant Rights Movement:
In light of the brutal murders of Alton Sterling, Philando Castille, Delrawn Smalls Dempsey, Alva Braziel, Joyce Quaweay, Skye Mockabee and Korryn Gaines, anti-Blackness, patriarchy and transphobia need to profoundly and urgently be addressed within immigrant rights organizing, now more than ever. Although non-Black Latinx solidarity with Black lives has increased and grown, there is still a lot of work to be done.
How do Latinxs and the immigrant rights movement navigate anti-Blackness? First of all what is anti-Blackness?
“Anti-Blackness is not simply the racist actions of a white man with a grudge nor is it only a structure of racist discrimination—anti-blackness is the paradigm that binds blackness and death together so much so that one cannot think of one without the other,” according to Nicholas Brady in the Progressive.
Moreover, white supremacy is not a system of oppression that operates under a “one size fits all” approach. Instead, it targets people differently depending on how much capital it takes from a particular community and how much power and brutality it wields over them. In other words, the difference between anti-Blackness and white supremacy is that anti-Blackness is a more pervasive, systematic and brutal form of white supremacy.
Furthermore, Black author and professor Frank B. Wilderson argues that U.S. economy, society and “democracy” is possible only by holding Black bodies captive—historically through chattel slavery and today through the prison industrial complex.
Subconsciously, non-Black immigrants equate Blackness to holding a non-human status and consequently seek to distance themselves from the terror and bullets Blackness magnetizes; non-Black immigrants invest in asserting their dehumanized brown selves to be subjects by rejecting the status of the non-human Black object.
Clear examples of how non-Black Latinx have unintentionally internalized this include the anti-Blackness within our own families and the once common immigrant rights slogan: “We are not the criminals,” where Latinxs have thrown the Black community under the bus in marches, rallies, media interviews and negotiations and collaboration with the government.
Latinx people have the privilege of going back and forth between being perceived as a subhuman whitewashed category and, on the other hand, being politically relegated to the undocumented shadows of Blackness. Here is where the denial begins and where being non-Black Latinx immigrants gets complicated.
Although Latinx are complicit to and benefit from anti-Blackness, undocumented status also casts immigrants in a position of invisibility. Undocumented people do not exist within civil society, because they are a subterraneous underclass—and by extension the Latinx community with papers as well. Brown bodies are persecuted, terrorized and subordinated by the same anti-Black, capitalist, patriarchal, transphobic system they seek to be a part of.
However, this happens to Latinxs at a different degree because the Latinx community has a different relation to the U.S. than the Black community. Although there are parallels, there are clear non-Black privileges and differences that Latinx must consistently recognize and check before making vague calls for unity.
It is important to highlight that the full weight of anti-Blackness and anti-immigrant xenophobia collides upon the undocumented Black immigrant body. First, the undocumented Black immigrant is subjugated to a perpetual state of ghettoization, according to Patricia Hill Collins in “Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge,Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment,” fed by the legacy of the transatlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws and our current school-to-prison pipeline.
This ghettoization makes it so that non-Black society understands the Black body as “lazy,” “criminal” and “violent.” Through this perspective, the non-Black undocumented immigrant benefits from a societal anti-Blackness that deems their brown/white body as “hard working,” more “trustworthy” than Blacks, and by default, “less violent and lazy.”
Here is where we see the Black undocumented experience as one that cannot be compared to the experience of other undocumented populations, especially when Black immigrants are five times more likely to be deported than their non-Black immigrant counterparts.